
Shizhi
Microsoft Bids $44.6 Billion for Yahoo
By MIGUEL HELFT and ANDREW ROSS SORKIN
Published: February 1, 2008, in New York Times
SAN FRANCISCO — In a bold move to counter Google’s online pre-eminence, Microsoft said Friday that it had made an unsolicited offer to buy Yahoo for about $44.6 billion in a mix of cash and stock.
If consummated, the deal would redraw the competitive landscape in Internet consumer services, where both Microsoft and Yahoo have both struggled to compete with Google.
The offer of $31 a share represents a 62 percent premium over Yahoo’s closing stock price of $19.18 on Thursday. It would be Microsoft’s largest acquisition ever.
Microsoft said the combination of the two companies would create efficiencies that would save approximately $1 billion annually.(Comment: There are substantial economies of scale to enjoy as scale of production increases. For example, duplicate research in two companies on online research can be combined to one. As more resources are devoted to developing online search, it is likely to be of better quality and can compete with Google better.) The software giant also said that it had an integration plan to include employees of both companies and intends to offer incentives to retain Yahoo employees.
Steven A. Ballmer, the Microsoft chief executive, said that he called his Yahoo counterpart, Jerry Yang, on Thursday night to tell him that Microsoft intended to bid on the company, and that they had a substantive discussion. “I wouldn’t call it a courtesy call,” he said in an interview.
Mr. Ballmer said he had decided to pursue a takeover because friendly deal negotiations would most likely be protracted and would probably become public.
“These things are hard to keep quiet in the best of times,” he said. He said his conversation with Mr. Yang was constructive, but suggested that a deal may not come easily.
Yahoo said in a news release Friday that its board would evaluate Microsoft’s bid “carefully and promptly in the context of Yahoo’s strategic plans.”
In a letter to Yahoo’s board, Mr. Ballmer wrote that the two companies discussed a possible merger, as well as other ways to work together, in late 2006 and 2007. Mr. Ballmer said that in February 2007, Yahoo decided to end the merger discussions because its board was confident in the company’s “potential upside.”
“A year has gone by, and the competitive situation has not improved,” Mr. Ballmer wrote.
As a result, he said, “while a commercial partnership may have made sense at one time, Microsoft believes that the only alternative now is the combination of Microsoft and Yahoo that we are proposing.”
Mr. Ballmer met several times in late 2006 and 2007 with Terry S. Semel, then Yahoo’s chief executive, people involved in the talks said. While the talks — originally focused on the prospect of a merger or a joint venture — were initially constructive and appeared to move forward, they quickly broke down, these people said.
After a series of secret meetings between both sides in hotels around California and elsewhere, Mr. Semel and Yahoo’s board decided against progressing with the talks, betting that its stock would turn around as it introduced a new advertising system called Panama, these people said. Mr. Yang, in particular, was adamantly against selling the company to Microsoft and championed the view of remaining independent, they added.
Mr. Ballmer constantly consulted with Bill Gates, the Microsoft chairman, about the progress of the negotiations, people close to the company said, and when the talks collapsed, he decided to wait to see the fate of Yahoo’s stock price. As the stock continued to fall, they said, Microsoft’s management became emboldened and began internal meeting in late 2007 about the prospect of making a hostile bid.
Despite their heavy investments in online services, both Yahoo and Microsoft have watched Google extend its dominance over Internet search and the lucrative online advertising business that goes along with it.
“No one can compete with Google on their own any more,” said Jon Miller, the former chairman and chief executive of AOL. “There has to be consolidation among the major players. It has been a long time coming, and now it is here.”(comments: Big firms are more able to engage themselves in various non-price competition in their bid to secure a greater market share. The merger between Yahoo and Microsoft will enable them to increase their market power and give them some advantage in competition against Google. For example, joint advertisement by two companies will be cost-saving.)
In recent months, Yahoo has struggled to develop a plan to turn around the company under Mr. Yang, its co-founder, who was appointed chief executive amid growing shareholder dissatisfaction last June.
Yahoo investors, however, remain skeptical. The company’s shares have slumped, and the closing price on Thursday was 44 percent below its 52-week high.
Yahoo’s shares closed Friday up 48 percent, to $28.38. Microsoft’s shares were down nearly 7 percent, and Google’s shares declined nearly 9 percent.
Microsoft, like Yahoo, has faced an uphill battle against Google. The company invested heavily to build its own search engine and advertising technology. Last year, it spent $6 billion to acquire the online advertising specialist aQuantive. Microsoft’s online services unit has been growing, but remains unprofitable.
Meanwhile, Google’s share of the search market and of the overall online advertising business has continued to grow.
Announcing its quarterly earnings earlier this week, Yahoo said it would cut 1,000 jobs in an effort to refocus the company and reduce spending, and issued an outlook for 2008 that disappointed investors.
The timing of Microsoft’s bid could allow the company to mount a proxy contest for control of Yahoo’s board should it try to dismiss the offer. Microsoft has discussed the prospect of mounting such a campaign, people close to the company said, and has until March 13 to propose a slate.
In his letter to Yahoo’s board, Mr. Ballmer wrote, “Depending on the nature of your response, Microsoft reserves the right to pursue all necessary steps to ensure that Yahoo’s shareholders are provided with the opportunity to realize the value inherent in our proposal.”
On Thursday night, Yahoo announced that Mr. Semel, its nonexecutive chairman and former chief executive, was leaving the board. Under Mr. Semel, a long-time Hollywood studio executive who ran Yahoo from 2001 to 2007, the company became more focused on its advertising and media businesses, but was unable to keep up with Google’s challenge in Web search and advertising and with the rise of social networking sites such as MySpace and Facebook.
A longtime board member, Roy J. Bostock, has been named nonexecutive chairman, Yahoo said.
Microsoft said it believes the Yahoo transaction could receive the necessary regulatory approvals in time to close by the second half of this year.
Miguel Helft reported from San Francisco, and Andrew Ross Sorkin from New York.
The article talks about the rising oil prices, zooming in on
The article goes on to explain that Russia is a key oil producer in the world, producing “almost 25 per cent of this amount[non-Opec countries’ oil production of oil]”, and thus a decrease in its supply of oil will have a significant impact on world oil prices. Also, besides
Meanwhile, demand for oil continues to rise, and the increase in demand coupled with the decrease in supply raises oil prices tremendously. Many countries, including
Apr 17th 2008
From The Economist print edition
PICTURES of hunger usually show passive eyes and swollen bellies. The harvest fails because of war or strife; the onset of crisis is sudden and localised. Its burden falls on those already at the margin.
Today's pictures are different. “This is a silent tsunami,” says Josette Sheeran of the World Food Programme, a United Nations agency. A wave of food-price inflation is moving through the world, leaving riots and shaken governments in its wake. For the first time in 30 years, food protests are erupting in many places at once. Bangladesh is in turmoil; even China is worried. Elsewhere, the food crisis of 2008 will test the assertion of Amartya Sen, an Indian economist, that famines do not happen in democracies.
Famine traditionally means mass starvation. The measures of today's crisis are misery and malnutrition. The middle classes in poor countries are giving up health care and cutting out meat so they can eat three meals a day. (comment: Concept of price elasticity of demand can be applied here. Meat are more price elastic than basic meal -- staple food such as rice. This is because: firstly, due to nature of good, staple food such as rice is indispensable as its carbohydrates provide people with energy. Secondly, there exists substitutes for meat as a protein source, such as legumes. Thirdly, Health care and meat are normally more expensive than meals -- mainly staple food like rice, thus takes a higher proportion of income. These three factors together contribute to a lower price elasticity of demand for staple food than for meat. Assuming prices for these two food types rise by the same degree, we would expect a less decrease in quantity demanded of staple food than the one of meat. The theory here goes in accordance with the reality where the people cut on the consumption of meat rather than staple food.) The middling poor, those on $2 a day, are pulling children from school and cutting back on vegetables so they can still afford rice. Those on $1 a day are cutting back on meat, vegetables and one or two meals, so they can afford one bowl. The desperate—those on 50 cents a day—face disaster.
Roughly a billion people live on $1 a day. If, on a conservative estimate, the cost of their food rises 20% (and in some places, it has risen a lot more), 100m people could be forced back to this level, the common measure of absolute poverty. In some countries, that would undo all the gains in poverty reduction they have made during the past decade of growth. Because food markets are in turmoil, civil strife is growing; and because trade and openness itself could be undermined, the food crisis of 2008 may become a challenge to globalisation.
Rich countries need to take the food problems as seriously as they take the credit crunch. Already bigwigs at the World Bank and the United Nations are calling for a “new deal” for food. Their clamour is justified. But getting the right kind of help is not so easy, partly because food is not a one-solution-fits-all problem and partly because some of the help needed now risks making matters worse in the long run.
The starting-point should be that rising food prices bear more heavily on some places than others. Food exporters, and countries where farmers are self-sufficient, or net sellers, benefit. Some countries—those in West Africa which import their staples, or Bangladesh, with its huge numbers of landless labourers—risk ruin and civil strife. Because of the severity there, the first step must be to mend the holes in the world's safety net. That means financing the World Food Programme properly. The WFP is the world's largest distributor of food aid and its most important barrier between hungry people and starvation. Like a $1-a-day family in a developing country, its purchasing power has been slashed by the rising cost of grain. Merely to distribute the same amount of food as last year, the WFP needs—and should get—an extra $700m.
And because the problems in many places are not like those of a traditional famine, the WFP should be allowed to broaden what it does. At the moment, it mostly buys grain and doles it out in areas where there is little or no food. That is necessary in famine-ravaged places, but it damages local markets. In most places there are no absolute shortages and the task is to lower domestic prices without doing too much harm to farmers. That is best done by distributing cash, not food—by supporting (sometimes inventing) social-protection programmes and food-for-work schemes for the poor. (Comment: If free food is to be distributed, supply increases and price drops, which harms the farmers by reducing their revenue and profit.) The agency can help here, though the main burden—tens of billions of dollars' worth—will be borne by developing-country governments and lending institutions in the West.
Such actions are palliatives. But the food crisis of 2008 has revealed market failures at every link of the food chain. Any “new deal” ought to try to address the long-term problems that are holding poor farmers back.
In general, governments ought to liberalise markets, not intervene in them further. Food is riddled with state intervention at every turn, from subsidies to millers for cheap bread to bribes for farmers to leave land fallow. The upshot of such quotas, subsidies and controls is to dump all the imbalances that in another business might be smoothed out through small adjustments onto the one unregulated part of the food chain: the international market.
For decades, this produced low world prices and disincentives to poor farmers. Now, the opposite is happening. As a result of yet another government distortion—this time subsidies to biofuels in the rich world—prices have gone through the roof. Governments have further exaggerated the problem by imposing export quotas and trade restrictions, raising prices again. (comment: Supply and demand analysis can be used to explain the rising price of food. Subsidies to biofuels shift the supply curve of biofuel downward and as a result more biofuels are sold -- which means more food such as corn and grain is used to make the biofuels. Assuming that the total amount of food produced remains constant, less food is available to be sold for people to eat -- the supply curve of food for eating shift upward. Export quotas and trade restrictions imposed by the government further shift the supply curve upward. Given the price inelastic nature of demand curve for food for eating, this shift in supply curve will result in a big increase in food price.) In the past, the main argument for liberalising farming was that it would raise food prices and boost returns to farmers. (Comment: Some governments may impose a price ceiling as a part of their regulation of for a stable and affordable food price. If farming is liberalized and these price ceilings removed, the equilibrium price will be reached, based on demand and supply, which may be higher than the price given by the price ceiling.) Now that prices have massively overshot, the argument stands for the opposite reason: liberalisation would reduce prices, while leaving farmers with a decent living. (comments: deregulation of food price will allow more farmers switch to produce food due to profitability. As food supply increases, its price will fall, cat eris paribus.)
There is an occasional exception to the rule that governments should keep out of agriculture. They can provide basic technology: executing capital-intensive irrigation projects too large for poor individual farmers to undertake, or paying for basic science that helps produce higher-yielding seeds. (comment: this results in an outward shift of PPC as the quality of resources increases. This is desirable, at least in the short term, as people's desires are temporarily satisfied.) But be careful. Too often—as in Europe, where superstitious distrust of genetic modification is slowing take-up of the technology—governments hinder rather than help such advances. Since the way to feed the world is not to bring more land under cultivation, but to increase yields, science is crucial.
Agriculture is now in limbo. The world of cheap food has gone. With luck and good policy, there will be a new equilibrium. The transition from one to the other is proving more costly and painful than anyone had expected. But the change is desirable, and governments should be seeking to ease the pain of transition, not to stop the process itself.
Shizhi
The article is about the need for US food retailers to cut cost incurred by food wastage.
Supply-chain management
May 15th 2008 NEW YORK
From The Economist print edition
WALK into almost any big supermarket in America and you will find a cornucopia of food. The mountains of fresh produce on display are a testament to shoppers' desire for choice and freshness—and retailers' desire to relieve them of their dollars. But behind the mouth-watering offerings lies a distasteful reality: billions of dollars' worth of food is dumped each year because of retailers' inefficiency.
The firms are not productively efficient, causing a surplus of food.
It is difficult to gauge quite how much waste—known as “shrink” in the industry's jargon—there is. Oliver Wyman, a consulting firm, puts the figure at 8-10% of total “perishable” goods in America. The Food Marketing Institute, an industry body, says such sales totalled $196 billion in 2006. That means food worth nearly $20 billion was dumped by retailers. In a report published on May 14th, the United Nations estimated that retailers and consumers in America throw away food worth $48 billion each year, and called upon governments everywhere to halve food wastage by 2025.
With food prices soaring and consumers tightening their belts, supermarkets' margins are under pressure. On May 13th Wal-Mart, America's biggest retailer, said its first-quarter sales rose by 10%, to $94 billion, but only after it slashed grocery prices by up to 30%. Its boss gave warning of harsher times ahead. Many retailers will need to cut costs, and tackling shrink seems a good way to do so.
Perishable food is a normal good, and it is relatively income elastic as compared to imperishable food. For example, fresh pineapple is more income elastic than pineapple can. The degree of necessity for perishable food is low, so it is price elastic. Thus, it is logical to increase price to increase total revenue. The US economy is weakening, so the demand for perishable food decreased. The price of food is soaring, therefore, there will be an increase in average variable cost and marginal cost. In order to maximise profit, the price should be higher. However, the price decreases by 30%. Therefore, the retailers may operate at a max-sale level so that they can minimise wastage.
Yet some firms are coy about the issue: Whole Foods, with sales of $6.6 billion and a reputation for fresh food, says its figures on waste are “proprietary”. Others point out that not all food is dumped. Kroger, a retailer based in Ohio with sales of $70 billion, gives 3,600 tons of fresh food a year to food banks.
Laudable though this is, it raises the question of why so much food is going to waste in the first place. After all, American supermarket chains have spent the past ten years or so installing inventory-management software, cold-storage systems and other supply-chain paraphernalia. Yet their shrink rates are still twice as big as those of European retailers.
One reason for this is structural, reckons Leigh Sparks of Stirling University in Britain. Food in America travels farther, increasing the risk it will rot in transit. Another reason is that American firms are less adept at capturing and using customer data to predict demand. And many American store managers believe high shrinkage is inevitable, given their enthusiasm for huge displays and the widest possible range of produce. “This feeds a vicious circle of more and more choice,” says Matthew Isotta of Oliver Wyman. And it can backfire if displays disguise rotten food or too much choice overwhelms customers.
The article suggests reasons for high shrinkage. Firstly, it is due to the longer period of transport. The perishable food has a higher chance to rot. Secondly, maybe the market in the US is not so competitive, so they become complacent and do not want to put in much effort to do marketing research. (they think their marketing research is good enough to gain a satisfactory profit in the market) Also, the belief "high shrinkage is inevitable" makes them unwilling to improve on reducing wastage.
A few firms have made a concerted effort to reduce shrink. One is Stop & Shop/Giant-Landover, a retailer with sales of $17 billion owned by Holland's Ahold. Launched in 2006, its initiative stressed that making its supply-chain leaner would enable the chain to offer customers the freshest possible products. This helped win over internal sceptics. “It really was a huge culture-shift for our people,” says José Alvarez, the firm's boss.
Stop & Shop looked across its entire fresh-food supply chain and reduced everything from the size of suppliers' boxes to the number of products on display, which fell by almost a fifth. Last year the chain cut shrink by almost a third, saving over $50m and eliminating 36,000 tons of rotten food, while improving customer satisfaction. Other retailers would do well to follow Stop & Shop's example—or watch as shrink takes an even bigger chunk out of their profits.
One way to reduce shrinkage is do supply-chain "rationalisation", so the retailer can cut unnecessary cost in this way. The retailers must do this because their profit may decrease as the price of food may continue increasing, leading to higher cost of production.
Yuhan
The following article is on the issue of booming art market and how the art collectors and savvy entrepreneurs react to it.
Hi,
6K and Ms How. The article called “crude threat” is about the impact of the increase in oil price on the global economy. It talks about both the current condition and what will happen in the future.
Buttonwood
Crude threat
May 15th 2008
From The Economist print edition
High oil prices may yet damage the global economy
A COUPLE of years ago, those who forecast that oil would reach $100 a barrel were seen either as doomsayers or publicity-seekers. Now some are predicting $200 oil—and are taken deadly seriously.
This paragraph suggests that there is a significant change in consumers’ expectations of the price of oil. This may further encourage speculative buying, resulting in an even larger and steeper increase of oil prices.
Had economists been told that oil would barely pause at the century mark before reaching the recent peak of nearly $127, they would no doubt have forecast dire economic consequences. But the global economy, although rattled by the high price of energy, is still chugging along. Meanwhile inflation has picked up, but headline rates in most developed countries are nowhere near the levels seen in the 1970s and 1980s.
The global economy is still making slow but steady progress. Also, the problem of inflation is not as serious as compared to the 1970s and 1980s. The surging oil price seems has a less impact on the global economy than expected.
There are three explanations for the oil price's muffled impact. The first is that nowadays developed economies are more efficient in their use of energy, thanks partly to the increased importance of service industries and the diminished role of manufacturing. According to the Energy Information Administration, the energy intensity of America's GDP fell by 42% between 1980 and 2007.
Here the author starts to explain the reasons for this phenomenon. There is a shift in focus of the economy of the developed countries from manufacturing to service industries. According to U.S. Census Bureau Economic Programs, the services industries account for 55% of economic activity in the U.S. Usually, manufacturing industries requires large amount of energy per unit of output and incurs large amount of energy waste at the same time. Therefore, the demand of manufacturing for oil is very large. However, energy required is much lower for service industries. In addition, the developed countries’ method of production is better. For example, there is less wastage of energy. This is illustrated by the 42% fall in energy intensity in U.S. (Energy intensity is a measure of the energy efficiency of a nation’s economy. High energy intensities indicate a high price or cost of converting energy into GDP.) Thus, there is a decrease in demand of oil in developed countries.
A second theory is that the oil-price rise has been steady, not sudden, giving the economy time to adjust. Giovanni Serio of Goldman Sachs points out that in 1973 there was a severe supply shock because of the oil embargo, when the world had to cope with 10-15% less crude almost overnight. Not this time.
The sudden increase in oil price in 1973 is because of insufficient supply. The demand for oil is very price inelastic. This change is sudden, so the consumers will not have time to adjust. Thus, the impact on the economy is huge. This time the increase in oil-price is mainly due to the demand factor. In other words, the supply is quite stable. The demand for oil is relatively more price elastic. Therefore, the consumers will have time to adjust their consumption patterns (use less oil-consumed method of production) and find alternatives of oil. Hence, the impact on economy is less.
The third explanation turns the argument on its head; rather than oil harming the global economy, it is global expansion that is driving up the price of oil.
The most important factor is the shift in favour of the developing economies. America has responded to high prices in familiar fashion: UBS forecasts that demand will drop by 1.1% this year and will be no higher in 2009 than it was in 2004. But demand from China and other emerging markets is more than offsetting this shortfall. With supply growth sluggish, the steady increase in demand is hauling prices remorselessly higher. Alex Patelis of Merrill Lynch reckons it would take a recession in emerging markets to drive commodity prices substantially lower.
It suggests that it is the economy which affects the oil price rather than the oil price which affects the economy.
The best-known pessimist on the oil price's link with global growth is Andrew Oswald of the University of Warwick. In March 2000, at the height of the dotcom boom, he argued that the world economy would slow in response to higher oil prices just as it did in the 1970s, early 1980s and early 1990s. Although his argument was brushed aside at the time, there was indeed a slowdown in 2001 and 2002.
Even so, his argument looks harder to sustain this time, given that a fourfold increase in oil over the past five years has been accompanied by some fantastic global GDP growth. Mr Oswald says the problem is that the lags are long, with few effects seen for at least 12 months. It may take as long as two years before a big impact appears, he reckons, during which time higher oil prices will have pushed up business costs, leading to a decline in profits and an eventual rise in the rate of unemployment.
Perhaps that transmission mechanism has not worked quite so quickly during this cycle because companies have been benefiting from the productivity gains of their investments in technology and from their outsourcing to Asian economies. But those gains may be starting to run out: profit growth, as a share of American GDP, peaked over a year ago.
In the future, the world economy growth will slow down as a result of higher oil prices. Yet the impact is not observed. This is because companies are able to enjoy internal EOS (lower cost of production as a result of their investments in research and development). Also, they are making huge profits in Asian markets. However, the profit may eventually disappear, as it is not enough to offset the increase in cost of production due to increase in oil prices. Therefore, companies have to lay off workers, consequently an increase in unemployment.
Companies are now facing a squeeze. Figures from Britain this week showed that firms had pushed up their output prices by 7.5% over the previous year but this rise, while startling enough, was nowhere near sufficient to compensate them for a 23.3% gain in raw-materials prices, the biggest since 1980.
Here is an example of increase in cost. In order to maintain profit/avoid losses, the suppliers have to increase price as the cost of production increases because of the 23.3% increase in price of raw-materials.
It will be even more difficult to maintain profit margins when consumers are under pressure. Again, higher oil prices are part of the problem. Goldman Sachs reckons that some $3 trillion of wealth was transferred from oil consumers to oil producers between 2001 and 2007 and the pace of transfer is running at $1.8 trillion a year. In general, producing countries save more, and spend less, than consuming nations. At the same time, of course, falling house prices in America, Britain, Spain and Ireland threaten to make consumers feel the pinch.
Since the consumers are more affected by oil prices than producers, wealth will be transferred from consumers to producers. In addition, the consumers are also suffering from the falling house prices.
Moreover, central banks may be unable to give consumers much help. With British inflation rising faster than expected, the Bank of England may join the European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan and the Federal Reserve in keeping interest rates on hold for the foreseeable future. So far oil has been the “dog that did not bark”; but it may yet give the global economy a nasty bite.
The impact can be lessened by the central banks as they are unable to lower interest rates. The developed countries have to keep interest rates on hold because of the rising inflation rates.
Yuhan